This article is a prologue to a later article about Southern Thailand’s insurgency. Understanding history of the land and its people is the only way forward. The insurgency is taking place mainly in four of Thailand’s southern most provinces, Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat and Songkhla (where the popular Haadyai is located). The region is known as the Deep South to the Thai government. There, a Malay Kingdom called Patani once stood comprising the current provinces of Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat and part of Songkhla which the Thai kingdom/empire has conquered gradually over hundreds of years.
This article is a brief account of Patani Kingdom’s history from a Malay kingdom’s angle. This took considerable time and effort to compile as the history of the kingdom of Patani itself was obscure and non-main stream. Sources include Wikipedia and a few papers found online.
For our region of interest, Langkasuka was the earliest recorded kingdom in northern Malay Peninsula. Records of ancient Malay kingdoms are scarce and easily disputable but it is estimated that Langkasuka exists from the 2nd to the 14th century. In the 12th century Langkasuka was a tributary to the mighty Palembang based Srivijaya empire and became part of the empire’s northern most extent.
All history of the Malay Archipelago is sketchy before the 1500s (arrival of the Portuguese), so forgive the vagueness. There were Chinese records, but they did not detail location and all place names have been Chinatized.
The whole Malay Peninsula used to be completely inhabited by the Malay people. The Malay Peninsula actually starts from the Isthmus of Kra, which is the narrowest point of the land between Bangkok and Singapore. It wasn’t until the highly aggressive Sukhothai Kingdom (1238–1583) and its successor the Ayutthaya Kingdom (1350–1767), which comprised ethnic Thai people that actually expanded slowly into the Malay Peninsula, assimilating the Malays or displacing them.
The states featured in this map are compiled from various sources. It does not represent maximum extent of the kingdoms or who conquered who, just that the kingdoms exist, and their civilizational centers are as marked.
Around the 13th century, as the great Srivijaya empire withered and its replacer, the Majapahit empire didn’t extend its influence this far north in the Malay Peninsula. By the end of the 12th century, the Malay kingdom of Tambralinga (or Kingdom of Ligor) in northern Malay Peninsula had become independent of Srivijaya kingdom and rapidly rose to prominence since the 13th century till the beginning of 14th century and actually occupied the entire Malay Peninsula at one time.
But the Thai precursor, kingdom of Sukhotai in the late 13th century laid conquest to Tambralinga and incorporated it into their empire (or so they claim). Finally, in 1365 the Majapahit kingdom of Java recognized Tambralinga as Ayutthaya, Sukhotai’s successor empire. The Siamese continued their campaigns in the Malay Peninsular during the 15th century and even threatened Melaka.
Historians tend to focus a lot on the major empires of Southeast Asia, the smaller kingdoms especially in the Malay Peninsula, which at many times became vassals (states that offer tributes) to other kingdoms and empires are all but forgotten. The Malay Peninsula was the backwater of civilization in Southeast Asia.
Amidst all this, the new Pattani Kingdom replaced Langkasuka. At this time Pattani would be under direct influence from Ayutthaya. Historians cannot identify actual dates of the founding but we know that Sultan Ismail Shah in early 16th century was the first sultan to embrace Islam.
The 16th century witnessed the rise of Burma which constantly went to war with Ayutthaya. It was this time that the Siamese had to let go of its tributaries like Patani, Kedah and Perak. Patani was virtually independent and this coincided its golden age during the reign of its four successive queens from 1584 to 1688.
In 1767, Ayutthaya capital was destroyed by the Burmese, and Patani declared its independence. The Siamese and the Burmese have been locked in a series of wars resulting in both empires ceding and gaining territory. Patani’s independence was short-lived because Siam managed to repel the Burmese forces and regain power.
In 1784, the King of Siam’s prince requested the states of Kedah and Patani to send Bunga Emas (a tribute in the form of a golden tree) to Siam as a sign of subservience. Sultan Muhammad Patani refused and incurring the wrath of Siam who sent an army to attack and destroy Patani. The army assaulted an already weakened Patani kingdom in November 1786. Patani fell to the control of Siam on this historic date with the reigning Sultan of Patani dying in battle. After that battle, Siam committed what we would today call genocide on the Patani people.
While Patani was under direct control of Siam, the Malay states of Kedah, Kelantan, Terengganu were under the influence of Siam, as a result of the Burney Treaty 1826 . Patani in the first half of the 19th century saw many rebellions against Siam. The Siam authorities employed numerous tactics like the divide and rule tactic where the Patani provinces were divided into seven smaller provinces but the Malays resistance was strong.
Siam had been composed of the network of cities like Patani with local rulers owing tribute. Hence to defend against land hungry European colonialists and to consolidate the Thai state, King Chulalongkorn in 1897 initiated a system to centralize all of Siam’s regions under Bangkok. Its biggest implication is that Patani and other kingdoms within Siam would lose its local sovereign raja or sultans. Malay Sultans’ powers were reduced to that of Siamese court officials with fixed salaries. In 1902, Patani was formally annexed by Siam.
In 1909, Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909 was signed. The most significant impact from this treaty is the demarcation of the border between the Siamese sphere of influence and the British which led to the modern day boundary between Malaysia and Thailand.
This treaty was made without conference with the Malay rulers. The border line was made in disregard to existing Malay state borders. Concessions were made, for example Kedah’s Setul province was given to Siam, while Tumpat became part of Kelantan. It seemed that the British preferred that the northern Malay Peninsula be a buffer between Malaya and French Indochina.
But as a result whole Malay states like Singorra (Songkhla), Setul and Patani which at the time were still very Malay in culture and demographics were split in two, with their northern halves handed over to the Thai empire. Nakhon Si Thammarat (formerly Ligor) which was formerly a Malay state in the northern most region of the Malay Peninsula was already successfully assimilated into Siam.
From then till 1932, Patani was administered by Thai officials appointed by Bangkok who did not consider the welfare of the Patani Malays. There was even a movement to refuse paying tax among the Malays but this was ‘dealt with’ by Bangkok.
The Siamese revolution of 1932 transformed Siam from an absolute monarchy into a military autocracy with a constitutional monarch until 1973. Phibun was the regime’s main personality and prime minister for a few terms and he drew up a new radical constitution based on the ultra-nationalist Rathaniyom policy (Thai Custom Decree). “The country of Siam-Thai is one in all aspects and may not be divided.”
Phibun was a Fascist and the mindset of Thailand today is based on his Cultural Mandates or State Decrees. A Siam-Thai subject must be Siamese in everything, that all must use one language, one set of customs, clothing according to Central Chao Phraya T’ai culture, and one religion: Theravada Buddhism. Thai brand of nationalism was strong, and in 1939, changed the country’s name to Thailand. One good difference between Phibun and Hitler is that Phibun prefers his ethnic cleansing be done using forced assimilation rather than killing. For instance, many Chinese in Thailand no longer consider themselves Chinese.
What this meant for Malays in Thailand was sheer cultural genocide forcing the Malaya to abandon their culture and identity. Malay (or any other language other than Thai) was forbidden in official use. All schools can only have one medium of instruction: Thai. Baju Melayu, sarongs, songkoks, jubah were forbidden, instead a western attire dress code was enforced. All were forced to take Thai names. Malays could not hold high offices. And in some cases, Muslims were forced to bow to Buddhist statues. The southern provinces are not represented, meaning to say that the provincial governors are elected from Bangkok, and all are ethnic Thai.
Like in South Africa, Thailand categorized its people. All of Thailand’s different ethnic groups were reclassified, but none worse than the Malays, because they were lumped together with Pakistanis, Bangladeshis and Indian Muslims and rebranded as Thai Muslims. This is especially damaging for the Thai Muslim South because their religion and culture are so far removed from the general Indochinese culture which other Thailand’s major minorities share. This is when the Thai imperial thinking went too far. When it becomes state policy to systematically eradicate a whole community, the Malays rebelled, and rightfully so.
During World War II, Thailand became an ally of Japan and allowed free passage to Japanese soldiers on its southern territory to invade Malaya starting with Kota Bahru. Tun Mahmud Mahyuddin, a Patani leader and son of the last Raja of Pattani, allied himself with the British in promises that after the war, Pattani would be accorded independence should they win. A state they would call the Greater Pattani State (Negeri Patani Raya) .The Malay leader launched guerrilla attacks against the Japanese, but after the war, the British broke their word and reestablished Pattani as Thai territory. This led to the formation of several insurgent groups seeking the independence of Pattani.
Between 1960 and 1998, a number of rebellion movements actively operated. The common goal is for the establishment of an independent Muslim state as Patani once was. Their activities were limited to low-intensity conflict, generally involving ambushes, kidnappings, assassinations, extortion, sabotage, and bomb attacks which seemed to target Thai state authorities. Three notable groups: Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN), Patani UnitedLiberation Organization (PULO), and New PULO; although there were more than other 60 groups.
In the early 1980s, Thailand’s prime minister who hailed from the area started to reverse the assimilation policy and offered political participation by supporting Muslim cultural rights and religious freedom, granting a general amnesty to insurgents whom many accepted, and providing economic opportunities to the people in southern Thailand. He established Southern Border Provincial Administration Centre (SBPAC) to coordinate and work between Bangkok and the local provincial administration government. SBPAC had a role to educate bureaucrats and security officials in cultural awareness and the local Patani Malay language.
In 1998, the demise of the militant New PULO group ushered in a short period of peace. But as of 2001, Southern Thailand isn’t very much better off economically. The next person to play with fire was Thaksin Shinawatra. Because the Southern provinces didn’t vote for him in the 2001 election, he took revenge by abolishing the SBPAC. He imposed political control in the southern border provinces, removed important political persons who understand Patani’s people and replaced key officials with his men. The attacks soon followed and intensified over the years. But this time they are more violent, deadly and consist of drive-by shootings, bombings, assassinations, gruesome dismemberments and beheadings.
In October 2004 the town of Tak Bai in Narathiwat province saw the most publicized incident of the insurgency. Hundreds of local people who were holding a demonstration, mostly young men, were arrested and mistreated. While on route to an army camp, 78 men died in truck bringing them there. This was a major turning point as the Patani’s people’s anger boiled over against the military, government and Thai people. Countless armed groups formed, invisible to the public, all attacking indiscriminately against all things Thai. Seemingly no one was spared, not children, not monks, not the innocent.
In 2005, the National Reconciliation Commission was formed by Thaksin in hopes to tame the restive South. Its chairman, Anand is a true pragmatist and is sympathetic towards the Patani struggle. In June 2006 NRC's recommendations were submitted. Among the recommendations are introducing syariah law, making Pattani-Malay a working language in the region, establishing an unarmed peacekeeping force and establishing an Administrative Centre for Southern Border Provinces.
The Thaksin government was intent on carrying out the recommendations. However, they were opposed by the President of the King’s Privy Council, who stated "We cannot accept that [proposal] as we are Thai. The country is Thai and the language is Thai... We have to be proud to be Thai and have the Thai language as the sole national language".
Thaksin was removed from office by a military led coup-de-tat. People of Patani rejoiced. The regime’s General Sonthi was too busy to care about the Deep South. Abhisit who took over amid the Red-Yellow-Shirt political turmoil, was keen to solve the South Thailand insurgency. When he was ultimately defeated in the 2011 elections Yingluck became the new prime minister and sister of Thaksin, everything’s up in the air again. The fate of Patani is subject to the fickle political play of Bangkok.
History is written by the victors. The victors in Thailand are the Thais of central Thailand, the losers are the minorities. The truth is, Thailand is full of ethnic minorities, but it is a matter of Thai state policy to suppress the cultures and languages of these minorities even if it is against their will. Thai history textbooks tend to belittle conquered kingdoms and over exalt their kings.
Thailand was an empire, but today it still behaves like one. However, in its Deep South, Thailand has lost control and is at a loss of what to do. The hatred in the Thai Malays seems unstoppable like a runaway train heading to a destination unknown.
Some sources:
Report of the National Reconciliation Commission 2005
The Malay-Muslim Insurgency in Southern Thailand by Peter Chalk
Patani: Behind The Accidental Border
IHRC
RETHINKING STRATEGY POLICY OF COUNTER INSURGENCY IN
SOUTHERN THAILAND
Its Rise and Demise
The Muslim Insurgency in Southern Thailand
The Muslim Insurgency in Southern Thailand
This article is a brief account of Patani Kingdom’s history from a Malay kingdom’s angle. This took considerable time and effort to compile as the history of the kingdom of Patani itself was obscure and non-main stream. Sources include Wikipedia and a few papers found online.
For our region of interest, Langkasuka was the earliest recorded kingdom in northern Malay Peninsula. Records of ancient Malay kingdoms are scarce and easily disputable but it is estimated that Langkasuka exists from the 2nd to the 14th century. In the 12th century Langkasuka was a tributary to the mighty Palembang based Srivijaya empire and became part of the empire’s northern most extent.
All history of the Malay Archipelago is sketchy before the 1500s (arrival of the Portuguese), so forgive the vagueness. There were Chinese records, but they did not detail location and all place names have been Chinatized.
The whole Malay Peninsula used to be completely inhabited by the Malay people. The Malay Peninsula actually starts from the Isthmus of Kra, which is the narrowest point of the land between Bangkok and Singapore. It wasn’t until the highly aggressive Sukhothai Kingdom (1238–1583) and its successor the Ayutthaya Kingdom (1350–1767), which comprised ethnic Thai people that actually expanded slowly into the Malay Peninsula, assimilating the Malays or displacing them.
The states featured in this map are compiled from various sources. It does not represent maximum extent of the kingdoms or who conquered who, just that the kingdoms exist, and their civilizational centers are as marked.
 |
| The Malay peninsula actually starts at the Isthmus of Kra in Thailand |
Around the 13th century, as the great Srivijaya empire withered and its replacer, the Majapahit empire didn’t extend its influence this far north in the Malay Peninsula. By the end of the 12th century, the Malay kingdom of Tambralinga (or Kingdom of Ligor) in northern Malay Peninsula had become independent of Srivijaya kingdom and rapidly rose to prominence since the 13th century till the beginning of 14th century and actually occupied the entire Malay Peninsula at one time.
But the Thai precursor, kingdom of Sukhotai in the late 13th century laid conquest to Tambralinga and incorporated it into their empire (or so they claim). Finally, in 1365 the Majapahit kingdom of Java recognized Tambralinga as Ayutthaya, Sukhotai’s successor empire. The Siamese continued their campaigns in the Malay Peninsular during the 15th century and even threatened Melaka.
Historians tend to focus a lot on the major empires of Southeast Asia, the smaller kingdoms especially in the Malay Peninsula, which at many times became vassals (states that offer tributes) to other kingdoms and empires are all but forgotten. The Malay Peninsula was the backwater of civilization in Southeast Asia.
Amidst all this, the new Pattani Kingdom replaced Langkasuka. At this time Pattani would be under direct influence from Ayutthaya. Historians cannot identify actual dates of the founding but we know that Sultan Ismail Shah in early 16th century was the first sultan to embrace Islam.
The 16th century witnessed the rise of Burma which constantly went to war with Ayutthaya. It was this time that the Siamese had to let go of its tributaries like Patani, Kedah and Perak. Patani was virtually independent and this coincided its golden age during the reign of its four successive queens from 1584 to 1688.
In 1767, Ayutthaya capital was destroyed by the Burmese, and Patani declared its independence. The Siamese and the Burmese have been locked in a series of wars resulting in both empires ceding and gaining territory. Patani’s independence was short-lived because Siam managed to repel the Burmese forces and regain power.
In 1784, the King of Siam’s prince requested the states of Kedah and Patani to send Bunga Emas (a tribute in the form of a golden tree) to Siam as a sign of subservience. Sultan Muhammad Patani refused and incurring the wrath of Siam who sent an army to attack and destroy Patani. The army assaulted an already weakened Patani kingdom in November 1786. Patani fell to the control of Siam on this historic date with the reigning Sultan of Patani dying in battle. After that battle, Siam committed what we would today call genocide on the Patani people.
While Patani was under direct control of Siam, the Malay states of Kedah, Kelantan, Terengganu were under the influence of Siam, as a result of the Burney Treaty 1826 . Patani in the first half of the 19th century saw many rebellions against Siam. The Siam authorities employed numerous tactics like the divide and rule tactic where the Patani provinces were divided into seven smaller provinces but the Malays resistance was strong.
Siam had been composed of the network of cities like Patani with local rulers owing tribute. Hence to defend against land hungry European colonialists and to consolidate the Thai state, King Chulalongkorn in 1897 initiated a system to centralize all of Siam’s regions under Bangkok. Its biggest implication is that Patani and other kingdoms within Siam would lose its local sovereign raja or sultans. Malay Sultans’ powers were reduced to that of Siamese court officials with fixed salaries. In 1902, Patani was formally annexed by Siam.
In 1909, Anglo-Siamese Treaty of 1909 was signed. The most significant impact from this treaty is the demarcation of the border between the Siamese sphere of influence and the British which led to the modern day boundary between Malaysia and Thailand.
This treaty was made without conference with the Malay rulers. The border line was made in disregard to existing Malay state borders. Concessions were made, for example Kedah’s Setul province was given to Siam, while Tumpat became part of Kelantan. It seemed that the British preferred that the northern Malay Peninsula be a buffer between Malaya and French Indochina.
 |
| The Anglo Siamese Treaty of 1909 saw land swaps and a division of Malay kingdoms. Map used with permission from http://patanibook.blogspot.com/ Copyright © 2007 Behind the Accidental Border. All Rights Reserved. |
But as a result whole Malay states like Singorra (Songkhla), Setul and Patani which at the time were still very Malay in culture and demographics were split in two, with their northern halves handed over to the Thai empire. Nakhon Si Thammarat (formerly Ligor) which was formerly a Malay state in the northern most region of the Malay Peninsula was already successfully assimilated into Siam.
From then till 1932, Patani was administered by Thai officials appointed by Bangkok who did not consider the welfare of the Patani Malays. There was even a movement to refuse paying tax among the Malays but this was ‘dealt with’ by Bangkok.
The Siamese revolution of 1932 transformed Siam from an absolute monarchy into a military autocracy with a constitutional monarch until 1973. Phibun was the regime’s main personality and prime minister for a few terms and he drew up a new radical constitution based on the ultra-nationalist Rathaniyom policy (Thai Custom Decree). “The country of Siam-Thai is one in all aspects and may not be divided.”
Phibun was a Fascist and the mindset of Thailand today is based on his Cultural Mandates or State Decrees. A Siam-Thai subject must be Siamese in everything, that all must use one language, one set of customs, clothing according to Central Chao Phraya T’ai culture, and one religion: Theravada Buddhism. Thai brand of nationalism was strong, and in 1939, changed the country’s name to Thailand. One good difference between Phibun and Hitler is that Phibun prefers his ethnic cleansing be done using forced assimilation rather than killing. For instance, many Chinese in Thailand no longer consider themselves Chinese.
What this meant for Malays in Thailand was sheer cultural genocide forcing the Malaya to abandon their culture and identity. Malay (or any other language other than Thai) was forbidden in official use. All schools can only have one medium of instruction: Thai. Baju Melayu, sarongs, songkoks, jubah were forbidden, instead a western attire dress code was enforced. All were forced to take Thai names. Malays could not hold high offices. And in some cases, Muslims were forced to bow to Buddhist statues. The southern provinces are not represented, meaning to say that the provincial governors are elected from Bangkok, and all are ethnic Thai.
Like in South Africa, Thailand categorized its people. All of Thailand’s different ethnic groups were reclassified, but none worse than the Malays, because they were lumped together with Pakistanis, Bangladeshis and Indian Muslims and rebranded as Thai Muslims. This is especially damaging for the Thai Muslim South because their religion and culture are so far removed from the general Indochinese culture which other Thailand’s major minorities share. This is when the Thai imperial thinking went too far. When it becomes state policy to systematically eradicate a whole community, the Malays rebelled, and rightfully so.
During World War II, Thailand became an ally of Japan and allowed free passage to Japanese soldiers on its southern territory to invade Malaya starting with Kota Bahru. Tun Mahmud Mahyuddin, a Patani leader and son of the last Raja of Pattani, allied himself with the British in promises that after the war, Pattani would be accorded independence should they win. A state they would call the Greater Pattani State (Negeri Patani Raya) .The Malay leader launched guerrilla attacks against the Japanese, but after the war, the British broke their word and reestablished Pattani as Thai territory. This led to the formation of several insurgent groups seeking the independence of Pattani.
Between 1960 and 1998, a number of rebellion movements actively operated. The common goal is for the establishment of an independent Muslim state as Patani once was. Their activities were limited to low-intensity conflict, generally involving ambushes, kidnappings, assassinations, extortion, sabotage, and bomb attacks which seemed to target Thai state authorities. Three notable groups: Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN), Patani UnitedLiberation Organization (PULO), and New PULO; although there were more than other 60 groups.
In the early 1980s, Thailand’s prime minister who hailed from the area started to reverse the assimilation policy and offered political participation by supporting Muslim cultural rights and religious freedom, granting a general amnesty to insurgents whom many accepted, and providing economic opportunities to the people in southern Thailand. He established Southern Border Provincial Administration Centre (SBPAC) to coordinate and work between Bangkok and the local provincial administration government. SBPAC had a role to educate bureaucrats and security officials in cultural awareness and the local Patani Malay language.
In 1998, the demise of the militant New PULO group ushered in a short period of peace. But as of 2001, Southern Thailand isn’t very much better off economically. The next person to play with fire was Thaksin Shinawatra. Because the Southern provinces didn’t vote for him in the 2001 election, he took revenge by abolishing the SBPAC. He imposed political control in the southern border provinces, removed important political persons who understand Patani’s people and replaced key officials with his men. The attacks soon followed and intensified over the years. But this time they are more violent, deadly and consist of drive-by shootings, bombings, assassinations, gruesome dismemberments and beheadings.
In October 2004 the town of Tak Bai in Narathiwat province saw the most publicized incident of the insurgency. Hundreds of local people who were holding a demonstration, mostly young men, were arrested and mistreated. While on route to an army camp, 78 men died in truck bringing them there. This was a major turning point as the Patani’s people’s anger boiled over against the military, government and Thai people. Countless armed groups formed, invisible to the public, all attacking indiscriminately against all things Thai. Seemingly no one was spared, not children, not monks, not the innocent.
In 2005, the National Reconciliation Commission was formed by Thaksin in hopes to tame the restive South. Its chairman, Anand is a true pragmatist and is sympathetic towards the Patani struggle. In June 2006 NRC's recommendations were submitted. Among the recommendations are introducing syariah law, making Pattani-Malay a working language in the region, establishing an unarmed peacekeeping force and establishing an Administrative Centre for Southern Border Provinces.
The Thaksin government was intent on carrying out the recommendations. However, they were opposed by the President of the King’s Privy Council, who stated "We cannot accept that [proposal] as we are Thai. The country is Thai and the language is Thai... We have to be proud to be Thai and have the Thai language as the sole national language".
Thaksin was removed from office by a military led coup-de-tat. People of Patani rejoiced. The regime’s General Sonthi was too busy to care about the Deep South. Abhisit who took over amid the Red-Yellow-Shirt political turmoil, was keen to solve the South Thailand insurgency. When he was ultimately defeated in the 2011 elections Yingluck became the new prime minister and sister of Thaksin, everything’s up in the air again. The fate of Patani is subject to the fickle political play of Bangkok.
History is written by the victors. The victors in Thailand are the Thais of central Thailand, the losers are the minorities. The truth is, Thailand is full of ethnic minorities, but it is a matter of Thai state policy to suppress the cultures and languages of these minorities even if it is against their will. Thai history textbooks tend to belittle conquered kingdoms and over exalt their kings.
Thailand was an empire, but today it still behaves like one. However, in its Deep South, Thailand has lost control and is at a loss of what to do. The hatred in the Thai Malays seems unstoppable like a runaway train heading to a destination unknown.
Some sources:
Report of the National Reconciliation Commission 2005
The Malay-Muslim Insurgency in Southern Thailand by Peter Chalk
Patani: Behind The Accidental Border
IHRC
RETHINKING STRATEGY POLICY OF COUNTER INSURGENCY IN
SOUTHERN THAILAND
Its Rise and Demise
The Muslim Insurgency in Southern Thailand
The Muslim Insurgency in Southern Thailand
